Trying to Understand the Evangelical Mind: Duane W.H. Arnold, PhD
Trying to Understand the Evangelical Mind
The question of how so many American evangelicals justify support for agencies such as U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement—particularly after the tragedy in Minneapolis—deserves something more than the slogans and counter-slogans of our polarized moment. It calls for the kind of sober examination that refuses caricature and instead confronts the deeper currents shaping the evangelical mind. Those currents run older and deeper than many realize.
Evangelicalism has never been a single thing. It contains revivalists and scholars, political activists and contemplatives, global missionaries and suburban megachurches. This diversity matters, yet certain patterns appear with enough regularity that they require attention.
A first rationale for supporting ICE grows out of the evangelical reading of law, order, and civil authority. Romans 13 is often foregrounded. For many evangelicals, the passage provides a clear mandate: governments possess legitimate authority, and the enforcement of law—including immigration law—is part of that divine ordering. Christians, in this view, can personally care for immigrants while still endorsing the state’s duty to enforce its statutes. The line drawn between private compassion and public obligation becomes central.
Moreover, this approach often shields evangelicals from the moral questions embedded in policy. If ICE is merely an instrument of rightful authority, then Christians can distance themselves from the ethical weight of its actions. What is lost is the broader biblical context in which Paul himself confronted unjust power, and in which he insisted that love fulfills the law. A selective reading of Scripture allows the harder questions to remain unasked.
A second dynamic is cultural anxiety. For many white evangelicals, immigration has come to symbolize rapid demographic change. The America they once recognized, with its familiar cultural assumptions, is slipping away. These anxieties are seldom expressed as such; they appear rather in the language of sovereignty, security, or economic burden. Yet beneath the surface lies a fear of cultural displacement. In this context, ICE is not merely a law-enforcement agency but a bulwark against perceived national unraveling.
Political alliances intensify this pattern. For decades, evangelicals have been mobilized around a set of issues—abortion, religious liberty, education, and resistance to secularization. The political partnerships formed to advance those causes have often aligned them with movements prioritizing stricter immigration policies. Over time, the alliance hardened into identity. Supporting ICE became a marker of belonging within a particular political and religious coalition. The theological justifications followed the political commitments rather than leading them.
However, any honest account must address the role of race. The data makes this unavoidable. Racial identity is a powerful predictor of attitudes toward immigration among white evangelicals—far more powerful than doctrinal or devotional measures. This does not suggest that every evangelical supporter of ICE acts out of conscious prejudice. The truth is both more subtle and more pervasive. The language of “law and order,” so widely used in evangelical circles, has long functioned in American political life as racially coded speech. Evangelicals absorbed that language into their moral vocabulary without interrogating its history.
Moreover, evangelical institutions—churches, colleges, publishing houses, and mission agencies—were largely shaped during eras marked by segregation. That formation continues to shape perceptions and instincts, even where explicit racism is rejected. The pattern is clear: the more racially homogeneous the evangelical community, the stronger the support for punitive enforcement; the more diverse the congregation, the lower that support becomes. These are not accidental correlations. They reflect a formation that has been as cultural as it has been theological.
A further psychological pattern emerges. Many evangelicals begin not with Scripture but with a felt sense of cultural loss. The theological rationale is supplied afterward. The reasoning typically follows this order: immigration destabilizes the familiar; ICE enforces stability; therefore, supporting ICE is framed as Christian responsibility. What appears as moral clarity is often an instinctive reaction later sacralized through selective biblical interpretation.
However, the picture is not uniform. Many evangelicals—especially younger believers and nearly all evangelicals of color—resist this narrative entirely. They appeal to the biblical mandate to welcome the stranger, to Israel’s identity as sojourners, and to the example of Christ who identifies with the vulnerable and the displaced. In Minneapolis and across the country, evangelical congregations are advocating for immigrant families, protesting abuses, and calling for reforms. They do this not by abandoning evangelical theology but by retrieving its deepest resources. Their witness reminds us that the evangelical tradition contains profound impulses toward hospitality, justice, and mercy.
The real challenge is understanding what all this reveals about the evangelical imagination. The movement has always lived at a crossroads: between the radical ethic of the Sermon on the Mount and the pragmatic calculations of political power; between a global gospel and the provincial anxieties of American culture; between the call to be a pilgrim people and the desire to preserve a familiar national identity. These tensions have always shaped the evangelical mind. They shape it still.
Moreover, understanding these dynamics does not excuse harmful policies. It clarifies the forces at work. Evangelicals who support strict enforcement draw upon elements of their tradition they believe to be faithful, though often in isolation from the fuller witness of Scripture. Evangelicals who resist draw upon equally authentic strands, usually more deeply rooted in the biblical narrative. The conflict between these visions is not superficial. It concerns the very nature of Christian moral formation.
The question, finally, is not simply why evangelicals support ICE. The deeper question is what vision of Christian life is guiding the evangelical imagination. Is it a vision shaped by fear or by hospitality? By cultural preservation or by the reconciling work of God? The answer to such questions will determine not only the evangelical approach to immigration but the credibility of its witness in the years ahead.
Duane W.H. Arnold, PhD

Unlike most of the posters and commenters on this site, I’ve never been an evangelical. For a while in the late 1980s I did visit quite a few evangelical/Pentecostal churches as I searched for an ecclesial location to make my home after leaving Roman Catholicism, but I never felt sufficiently convinced of the theological claims of any of those churches, nor did I ever feel at home in the sort of worship I saw and to some degree participated in. I appreciate the analysis you make here, Duane, and given your acumen I have no doubt that what you say is quite accurate. For myself, however, I feel the evangelical mind that would choose Trump & Co is not something I want to understand so much as to resist and oppose; if understanding more would help with that resistance, that would be a good thing. But I have the distinct feeling that it just would not help, anymore than it would’ve helped a witness on the scene who wanted to prevent the tragedy from unfolding to understand the Peoples Temple cult mind as people filed forward to drink the Kool-Aid in Guyana.
evangelicals generally reject the call of discipleship in favor of a safe, generic “faith” that asks or requires little of them. They can hang on to their politics, prejudices, and most of their sin and still be widely respected in the assembly on Sunday morning.
I didn’t grow up in the evangelical subculture; in fact, it took me a long time to come to faith because I didn’t grow up in the subculture. I grew up surrounded by immigrants in a large West Coast city in the middle of Vietnam war protests, black is beautiful, and the gay rights movement. However, the Jesus that the liberal Protestant church I attended was nothing like the person I read about in my Bible. After coming to faith, I thoroughly embraced Christ , but not the culture. I tiptoed through a couple churches where I worked with immigrants ( mostly Hispanic), but stayed out of political talks. However, that is changing for me. I don’t want to start a yelling match, but as Christians I know continue to become more and more uncomfortable with what is happening around the country with immigration, I am seeing more and more unease. Many are not happy with what is happening, but don’t know what to do.
I have more hope for the younger generation of Christians. We have many interracial families in my church-Totally unthinkable 20 years ago. We have families more knowledgeable about the contributions immigrants make to our communities, and several couples who have adopted from African countries that Trump detests. I am hoping that their more accepting perspective will continue to strengthen our church into a place that welcomes immigrants and their often complicated situations.
Older evangelical culture is dying out with aging boomers. New people will take our place. I am not expecting society to improve, but I hope the church will improve, at least some of us.
Good article Duane,
I think it’s worth remembering that back during the Vietnam Era, it was Catholic priests who did the marching and the protesting. ‘Evangelicals’ were nowhere to be found.
These three explanatory variables remain: Law and order, cultural anxiety, and racism, and the greatest of these is racism.
Not only for the reasons above, but another. Namely, there is much more critical discussion of ICE in the evangelical camp now that the last two prominent victims, Good and Pretti, were coded very mainstream white.
The racism that allowed evangelicals to as a rule be silent or supportive of ICE when brown Americans were sent to El Salvador or Alligator Alcatraz and warrantless apartment raids targeted non-white residents in Chicago wasn’t able to be used to explain Minneapolis.
Very happy the soul-searching is increasingly happening in the evangelical world! Don’t misunderstand that. But that it’s in this moment – where the
prominent victims look like your megachurch barista or worship team – that’s race consciousness at work as much a general sense of Christian ethical outrage.
Tec-Dan,
Yes, the whiteness of Good and Pretti made their executions more disturbing to many white Americans who had closed their eyes as black and brown people were being brutalized this last year. And media, including many citizen journalists on liberal social media such as Bluesky, also used more space for reports about Good and Pretti, though some of them possibly did that consciously because they understood that the ingrained racism of Americans meant that something might actually be done for black and brown people if white America saw the current brutality effects people like them. Racism is so ingrained in American history and culture that it is hard to view America as a great nation in any moral sense of the word, or believe that it was ever great.
filbertz
I think you’ve put your finger on something real, though it’s less about individual failure and more about the culture evangelicals have built for themselves. The call to discipleship is costly. It asks for repentance, formation, humility, and a willingness to let Christ reshape our loyalties. What many evangelical communities offer instead is a kind of “belonging without transformation”—a faith that blesses our politics, overlooks our prejudices, and rarely challenges the habits we’d rather keep.
However, this didn’t happen overnight. It grew out of decades of confusing cultural identity with Christian identity. The result is a version of “faith” that feels safe, familiar, and undemanding. It lets people remain exactly as they are and still be celebrated on Sunday morning. Yet that has very little to do with the way Jesus actually calls people to follow Him.
Moreover, a church that asks nothing of its members eventually has nothing to offer its members. It loses the capacity to form people in holiness, justice, or mercy. It becomes a gathering of the unchanged, congratulating one another for the very things the gospel is meant to heal.
Some evangelical communities are trying to recover the deeper, harder, more honest work of discipleship. Yet the broader culture still defaults to comfort over conversion. That’s the tension many of us see so clearly now.
Years ago we were sending our oldest son to a “Christian” HS.
In the application process we were first required as parents to fill out an application about our Christian beliefs, provide a short essay and one of the questions was how we would describe an Evangelical. Additionally we were interviewed and covered the same ideas.
At the time this school had multiple campuses and was probably the most respected and known Christian school (non-Catholic) in the area.
They asked about our knowledge of being an “Evangelical” because they called themselves such. Ironically I knew they were of Reformed affiliation and Calvinist by tradition (BTW these days they do not affiliate with any denomination) and by all standards were not “Evangelical” at all.
What’s the point?
I read here on PP the term “Evangelical” thrown out repeatedly and yet with no real definition of what that is.
This Christian School was Calvinist and not Evangelical at all, but yet at the time our son went there they called themselves that publicly.
So what do you all mean by Evangelical?
The reason I ask is because your statements in the article are in no way limited to people who attend these modern church stores. I know people of all faiths and atheists who support the current Administration.
PS. after a year and a half there we moved our son to a Missouri Synod Luther HS. It was a much better experience for him and his brother.
TH
That’s a fair question. When we’re talking about “evangelicals” in this context, we’re not using the old theological definition—people committed to the authority of Scripture, the centrality of Christ, and the call to conversion. We’re talking about the American sociological category that has formed over the last 40–50 years.
Moreover, that category has become as much cultural and political as it is religious. Pollsters use it, politicians court it, and many churches have been shaped by it. It’s less a doctrinal label and more a way of describing a broad, predominantly white, conservative Protestant subculture.
You’re absolutely right that support for the current Administration crosses faith lines—Christians of many traditions, people of other religions, and plenty of atheists are on board. The critique isn’t that evangelicals are unique in their politics. The point is that within evangelicalism, these political commitments often get wrapped in theological language and presented as if they were expressions of discipleship.
That’s where the tension lies. The concern is not that evangelicals hold political views. It’s that a significant slice of the movement has fused those views so tightly with its religious identity that challenging the politics feels like challenging the faith itself.
In that sense, “evangelical” describes a particular cultural formation—one that isn’t limited to the megachurch storefronts, but is especially visible there.
Duane
Thank you. I won’t deny when I read the posts here on PP I get sad. Why? Because it seems to me those so easily bantering about their less than polite comments about these “Evangelicals” are also guilty of the same sort of extremism.
It is so easy to hate and place blame on something external or someone else and yet not consider the projection and yes echo chamber of associating with those who are like minded.
Thank you again for the explanation and clarity.
TH
It is way too easy just to throw stones…
TH,
Reformed and Calvinist believers consider themselves evangelicals and have long operated in that context.
Evangelicalism traditionally meant more about your view of Scripture and conversion than political leanings or doctrinal differences.
Excellent article, Duane.
As you well know, I think the evangelical view on inerrancy produces ‘inerrant” expositors who parlay that position into authoritarianism.
I don’t believe positive change will come that looks like the faith once delivered until both those structures are taken down.
Michael
You’re naming something crucial. Once inerrancy becomes less a theological claim and more a tool for certainty, it inevitably creates “inerrant” interpreters. The authority shifts from Scripture itself to the person holding the microphone. Moreover, the entire system begins to reward the most confident voices rather than the most faithful readers.
You’re right that this produces a kind of soft authoritarianism. The pastor or expositor becomes the arbiter of what God “really says,” and questioning their reading is treated as questioning God. That dynamic has shaped much of contemporary evangelical preaching, and it has made genuine discipleship—rooted in humility, repentance, and communal discernment—nearly impossible.
I also agree that real change won’t come until both the doctrinal distortion and the structures built upon it are dismantled. Otherwise we’re just trimming branches while leaving the root untouched. The hope, of course, is that the faith once delivered is still there beneath the rubble, waiting to be recovered by people willing to do the hard work of unlearning.
Duane,
The evangelical understanding of law, order, and civil authority as they relate to Romans 13 that you refer to would’ve prevented the American Revolution if it had been heeded by Christians of that era, but it wasn’t, and the vast majority of evangelicals today don’t seem to have anything but good to say about the American rebels overthrowing the authority of a Christian king. That is highly selective application of that understanding and reading of Romans 13.
Robert F
You’re exactly right to point out the selective reading. If evangelicals truly held a consistent, absolutist interpretation of Romans 13, the American Revolution would stand as a glaring act of rebellion against God-ordained authority. Moreover, the king in question was not a pagan tyrant but a Christian monarch. Yet very few evangelicals ever frame the Revolution that way. Instead, it becomes a sacred national myth, insulated from the very theological lens they apply everywhere else.
This exposes the deeper issue: Romans 13 isn’t functioning as a coherent theological principle. It’s functioning as a cultural tool. When “law and order” aligns with their politics or fears, the passage is elevated. When it conflicts with cherished American identity, it is quietly set aside.
However, the early church never used Romans 13 as a blanket endorsement of whatever the state decided to do. They held both Paul and Jesus in view—submission where possible, resistance where necessary, and an unwavering conviction that Christ, not Caesar, defines the shape of obedience.
The inconsistency you point out isn’t minor. It reveals a theological framework shaped far more by national history than by the biblical narrative itself.
Duane,
I’ve had conversations with a few evangelicals/Pentecostals who had claimed to adhere to the Roman 13 reading you mention, and I’ve brought up the subject of the American Revolution with them as a big problem for their reading/understanding, but they hand-waved it away as if it wasn’t a serious matter, or refused to engage it, or suggested I was not patriotic for talking that way. I could only take from those encounters that they were being willfully disingenuous, and I don’t think they were outliers.
Roberts F
What you describe isn’t accidental; it reveals exactly why the evangelical reading of Romans 13 has become so brittle and selective.
When people invoke Romans 13 as a timeless mandate for unconditional submission to authority, they’re not engaging the full breadth of Christian moral imagination—they’re applying a formula that works only when it reinforces the political or cultural assumptions they already hold. The American Revolution is the perfect litmus test for that. If your framework truly prohibited resistance to authority, then the very foundations of the American republic would be illegitimate in your view. Yet most of the evangelicals you’re describing happily celebrate the Revolution, sing patriotic hymns about it, and see it as integral to American identity.
That’s not inconsistency; that’s a cultural and selective theology—one that weighs Scripture not by its demand for obedience to Christ, but by whether its implications align with American political mythologies.
This is exactly the dynamic we see in the conversation around the Ken Burns Revolutionary War documentary. Many conservative and evangelical viewers reacted negatively not because Burns was unfaithful to evidence, but because the series challenges the comfortable mythology of the Revolution—the seamless heroism, the unambiguous virtue, the tidy narrative of righteous rebellion. And it touched on matters of race. The discomfort isn’t about history. It’s about the collision between mythologized authority and complex moral reality.
In both cases—Romans 13 and the Revolution—the instinct is the same: if a theological reading threatens the evangelical self-image or national mythology, it’s dismissed as unpatriotic, irrelevant, or disingenuous. That’s not rigorous engagement; it’s defensive posturing.
Michael
“ Reformed and Calvinist believers consider themselves evangelicals and have long operated in that context.”
I was aware of this at the time. However, my church background never considered them “Evangelical” which is why I told the story. I grew up in a reformed Calvinist church , but as a young adult found no interest in their dogmas and doctrines.
After a long life of church and continued study at the age of 70 I’m pretty neutral about all of it. I look back at those days and now at the new generation and just smile. Each of us has to find out how faith in God fits into our lives. Just as soon as we make some sort of dogmatic statement about it we, if we are seeking Him, get humbled.
Thank you for the defense and statement.
TH,
We do have an issue with definitions and labels.
My esteemed mentor, J.I. Packer considered himself an “evangelical Anglican”.
We all know of faithful Christians in evangelical churches…people like our own Linn.
I would never wish to insult or demean her faith, which is beyond my own.
We do need a label for those who conflate the faith with politics into one identity…
“We do need a label for those who conflate the faith with politics into one identity…”
I was trying to think of something funny and or sarcastic, but then the importance of Monday and Punxsutawney Phil’s prediction for winter was more important. Especially if one is living in the east these days.
One of the best movies about purgatory and saving one’s soul, by the way.
Coming from Evangelical backgrounds, most of us here can’t help but see and relate to both sides of every event and issue. If we wanted to, we could argue their point as well as they do. I don’t think Evangelicals (in general) have any inclination to to know any position beyond their current one. When you are that certain you are on the right side, why would you waste one minute educating yourself on the other? To even entertain thinking other than your sides is probably sin, doubt, compromise, etc. But I think behind it all is a kind of laziness.
Terry,
You’re naming a dynamic that many of us who came through the evangelical world recognize immediately. The certainty isn’t just emotional; it’s structural. Evangelical culture trains people to defend a position long before it teaches them to understand one. Moreover, once someone is convinced that their view is not only correct but divinely sanctioned, curiosity becomes spiritually dangerous. To ask a real question is to risk doubt; to read another view is to risk contamination.
In that environment, the ability to see both sides—something many of us developed only after leaving those circles—feels almost like betrayal. The tragedy is that Christians were once known for their willingness to search, to learn, to test all things. Now, in too many evangelical settings, the highest virtue is certainty and the greatest sin is reconsideration.
You’re right that laziness plays a role, but I think it’s more than individual inertia. It’s a learned dependency. When you’ve spent your whole life being told what to think by pastors, pundits, and “biblical worldview” programs, the work of thinking becomes unfamiliar. The imagination has been domesticated. The conscience has been outsourced.
However, once that system cracks—even slightly—it’s remarkable how quickly people begin to see the wider landscape. Most of us here didn’t leave because of rebellion; we left because we started asking the very questions we were told good Christians never ask. That curiosity wasn’t sin. It was the beginning of sanity.
And that’s the real issue: a faith that discourages honest questioning isn’t protecting truth. It’s protecting the people who benefit from not having it examined.
Michael-Thanks for the encouragement, but I do know others like me that are “evangelical” theologically, but not politically. And, politics has been far from our pulpit lately, for which I’m thankful. In the meantime, I was thankful to read in the news that Liam and his dad are back home, backpack and bunny-ear hat included. Liam’s last name (Conejo) means bunny in Spanish.
I remember when die-hard Nixon supporters really had to admit that Mr “I am not a crook” was actually the opposite. I am praying that will soon be the case with Mr T and his “team.”
“ Most of us here didn’t leave because of rebellion; we left because we started asking the very questions we were told good Christians never ask. That curiosity wasn’t sin. It was the beginning of sanity.”
This is the key.
Duane – My calling it laziness was less thought out, and more of a desire to “call them out”. If someone still supporting this curtrent nonsense happen to read the comments, I wanted to piss them off. “In His mercy” of course.
Terry
It may have been “less thought out” but it was also an astute and accurate assessment..
TH
Someone should write an article on “sanctified curiosity”… Curiosity is the key.
It’s a culture (evangelicalism) that would still burn witches if they could.
Here’s what Adams wrote to Jefferson in 1817:
“Oh! Lord! Do you think that a Protestant Popedom is annihilated in America?
Do you recollect, or have you ever attended to the ecclesiastical Strifes in Maryland Pensilvania,
New York, and every part of New England? What a mercy it is that these People cannot whip and crop, and pillory and roast, as yet in the U.S. !
If they could they would.
oops! forgot to cite:
— from Brooke Allen’s ‘Moral Minority’ p-63 —